Tibebu, Teshale. Journal of Development Economics 82 (1):156–79. In 1903, the Herero people learned that they were to be placed in reservations, leaving more room for colonists to own land and prosper. 1920. The Journal of Economic History 72 (2):393–422. Until their 1871 unification, the German states had not concentrated on the development of a navy, and this essentially had precluded German participation in earlier imperialist scrambles for remote colonial territory – the so-called “place in the sun.” Germany seemed destined to play catch-up. Money, Banking, and Public Finance in Africa. Journal of Democracy 15 (2):17–31. 2004. Territorial Expansion of German East Africa 1890–1909 733. rule, similarly indicating that the state did establish new stations as a direct reaction to previous instances of violent resistance and to minimize state absence. Leipzig: Quelle & Meyer. 1976. 1986. This coding treats stations in Rwanda and Burundi slightly differently, due to their special status. The aim of Weltpolitik was to transform Germany into a global power through aggressive diplomacy, the acquisition of overseas colonies, and the development of a large navy. To determine which factors explain the patterns of German colonial state expansion, we now turn to a statistical analysis. Finally, since our goal is to understand the motives behind state expansion from the colonial government’s perspective, it is to some extent an advantage to rely on source material that reflects the information that was available at the time. In 1883, merchant Franz Adolf Eduard Lüderitz entered into a contract with the native elders. We compared climate information from a total of forty-one stations across the colony with current climate information from the WorldClim project (1950–2000) for the exact same locations. 1980. Wickham-Crowley, Timothy P. 1993. 1–25 in Guardians of Empire: The Armed Forces of the Colonial, Powers, C. 1700–1964, edited by David Killingray. Kaiser Wilhelm II understood and lamented his nation’s position as colonial followers rather than leaders. It is difficult for administrators to gather information about the societies they claim control over.52 This struggle for information has been an especially important feature of colonial rule.53 Thus knowledge was generally insufficient to develop a meaningful and sound strategic approach to the specific local context.54 While colonial agents may have tried to incorporate basic information about existing tribal and political structures into their planning, their information was often incorrect.55 Similarly, indigenous populations that entered preliminary bargains with colonial powers were not immune to errors of judgment and miscalculations. In 1985, the United Nations ‘ Whitaker Report classified the aftermath as an attempt to exterminate the Herero and Nama peoples of South-West Africa, and therefore one of the earliest attempts at genocide in the 20th century. In most of the hinterland, however, the company had little impact on the local population, (Pesek 2005). 1902. The Autocratic Legacy of Early Statehood. Murdock, George P. 1967. States have to invest military and administrative resources in remote and difficult-to-reach areas in order to signal their resolve and safeguard their entire colonial endeavor. 2005. Appendix Section 6 also uses qualitative evidence to illustrate the difficulty in obtaining reliable information on ethnic groups’ characteristics – suggesting that bargains over indirect rule were hampered by a lack of information. The Long-Term Effects of Africa’s Slave Trades. Considering that the location of a major battle indicates a certain level of resistance in the surrounding areas, we also measure each grid cell’s distance to the nearest major battle. We start with a brief review of findings for the main control variables. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. Specifically, we calculate the minimum distance from, Territorial Expansion of German East Africa 1890–1909 723, each grid cell i to the nearest colonial station in grid cell j in year t. We then consider how these minimum distances would change if a new station were to be built in grid cell i. Berlin: Buchhandlung der Berliner Evangelischen Missionsgesellschaften. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press. Fig. Parts of the literature have also emphasized the importance of Christian missionaries in, shaping colonial legacies.96 The presence of missionary stations might confound the relationship between state presence and the effects of violent resistance against (or the territorial expansion of) the colonial state. 10 Levi 1989; Organski and Kugler 1980; Seidman 1986; Tilly 1990. 2 Mann 1984; Soifer 2006; Soifer and Hau 2008. The inclusion or exclusion of these post-treatment controls does not affect any of our substantive results. Münster: LIT Verlag. The Development of Capitalism in Northern Nigeria. Weakened by enduring violent conflict, states face the challenge of trying to ‘reconstruct’ former restive regions with very limited financial and human resources. The British position that Germany was a uniquely brutal and cruel colonial power originated during the war. 67 Iliffe 1979; Koponen 1995. While we emphasize the dynamic and strategic character of state building, we are aware that processes of state expansion. We were unable to discern meaningful patterns in terms of timing, larger geographic region or combatants that correlate with the absence of specific geographic information. Journal of Peace Research 9 (4):303–14. colony. 1981. Finally, this phase of state building is marked by a mismatch between the state’s overall capabilities and the size of the territory. Are you scared that your paper will not make the grade? 2bPredicted probability of a station in grid cell i as a function of Territorial Control Value, 1Boone 2003; Herbst 2000; Mann 1984; Scott 2009; Weber 1976.2Mann 1984; Soifer 2006; Soifer and Hau 2008.3Cohen, Brown, and Organski 1981.4Herbst 2000,’76.5New Imperialism refers to a period of enormous colonial expansion, in particular by European powers, Skilled, Experienced Native English Writers, Download paper from your email or personal account. We were able to geo-locate 166 of these events.79 We create two separate variables to capture the level of resistance within a given grid-cell area. This was only possible through the establishment of a continuous presence in the respective areas. We calculated the mean elevation per grid using the Shuttle Radar Topography Mission 1 km resolution data. + p< 0.10, *p< 0.05, **p< 0.01, ***p< 0.001, statistically significant effects. Gensichen, Martin. Table 2 displays the marginal effect of a 1-standard-deviation increase in all of the statistically significant variables in the model. 3 Cohen, Brown, and Organski 1981. 1 decade ago. I would actually argue that there are no significant effects of German Imperialism on Africa. German Imperialism Jan 1, 1815. Mamdani, Mahmood. However, we argue and show that the driving rationale of the German colonial administration in East Africa was the establishment of political stability and territorial control. Links Verlag. German Imperialism in Africa: from the Beginnings to the Second World War By pooling our observations across time periods, we might bias our findings due to the, influence of unobserved confounders. Bald, Detlef. In particular, since we discuss in Appendix Section 6 the difficulty for German administrators of acquiring reliable information, these results have to be regarded with caution. Guardians of Empire. Nunn, Nathan. For grid cells at the maximum value, this probability jumps to roughly 13.4 per cent. Halle: Gebauer-Schwetschke druckerei und verlag m. b. h. Engerman, Stanley L., and Kenneth L. Sokoloff. This is meant to remove unobserved, time-invariant factors shared within the six regions. To capture the Territorial Control Value of a location, we determine for each grid cell, without a station how valuable this location is with respect to the political goal of consolidating the colony’s overall territorial control. Tax collection efforts were also often interrupted by violent resistance against the state, hence establishing firm territorial control was a necessary pre-condition for fiscal extraction.101 Economic extraction also followed the presence of German state power, in part because plantation owners were dependent on forced labor. Acemoglu, Daron, Simon Johnson, and James A. Robinson. All in all, German colonies comprised territory that makes up 22 countries today, mostly in Africa, including Nigeria, Ghana, and Uganda. We use a simple and intuitive definition for the first: the process of creating new state institutions or strengthening existing ones (Fukuyama 2004). Its claims of authority inevitably clashed with competing social organizations and their respective entrepreneurs who aimed to shield their authority from the state.36 The weaker a state, however, the more its stability depends on its ability to constantly demonstrate its resolve and capacity to swiftly and brutally quell any form of resistance. 44 E.g., Lange, Mahoney, and vom Hau 2006. In Der Maji-Maji- Krieg in Deutsch-Ostafrika, 1905–1907 [The Maji-Maji War in German East-Africa 1905-1907], edited by Felicitas Becker and Jigal Beez, 28–58. In Africa in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, imperialism was present and growing. The British held large sections of West Africa, the Nile Valley, and much of East and southern Africa. 2012. Public opinion eventually arrived at an understanding that prestigious African and Pacific colonies went hand-in-hand with dreams of a world-class navy. 75 Koponen 1995. As Trotha argues with respect to German colonialism in Togo, ‘The state begins with the station.’74 Authority was gradually expanded from the stations, where all activities related to state functions were performed.75. Germany lost control of its colonial empire at the beginning of World War I when its colonies were seized by its enemies in the first weeks of the war. Postcolonialism: An Historical Introduction. We start by estimating the effects of our main independent variables on the probability of a station being present in grid cell i in year t. Our dependent variables are a simple binary indicator of station presence or the ordinal measure of station type. Cohen, Youssef, Brian R. Brown, and Abramo F. K. Organski. The German Imperial Colonial Office produced annual reports from 1892 to 1914 on the colonies, with substantive statistical annexes. European Journal of Sociology/Archives Européennes de Sociologie 25 (2):185–213. Colonialism and Development: A Comparative Analysis of Spanish and British Colonies. 51 Acemoglu, Johnson, and Robinson 2001; Boone 2003; Gerring et al. The following section describes our operationalization of these variables based on the sources introduced above. Taxation by German authorities only commenced after the creation of a colonial station, and was generally constrained to an area within a two-day march from the station. The role of the stations in state penetration cannot be overemphasized. Short-lived attempts of colonization by individual German states occurred in preceding centuries, but crucial colonial efforts only began in 1884 with the Scramble for Africa. Germany did not attempt to re-mold its colonial subjects in the German image in the way that the French and the British tried to mold their subjects in their image. 440px-Kladderadatsch_1884_-_Die_Su00fcdsee_ist_das_Mittelmeer_der_Zukunft.png. To address this concern, we include a temporally lagged spatial lag of our dependent variable. 35 Kabwegyere 1972. The Imperative of State Building. Wilson, Nicholas Hoover. Unfortunately, reliable extrapolation of information across all parts of the colony is not viable, as too few such stations existed. What explains states’ sub-national territorial reach? 2007. Journal of Economic Growth 12 (3):185–234. Germany Imperialism timeline. The numerous mixed offspring upset the German colonial administration, which was concerned with maintaining “racial purity.” Eugen Fischer studied 310 mixed-race children, calling them “bastards” of “lesser racial quality.” Fischer also subjected them to numerous racial tests such as head and body measurements and eye and hair examinations. We are grateful for the invaluable feedback of Marcus Kurtz, Amanda Robinson, Rick Herrmann, Alex Lee, Steven Wilkinson, Robert Woodberry, Roberto Foa, panel participants at APSA 2014 and 2015, three anonymous reviewers, and Sona Golder as the responsible editor at BJPS. Consequently, state expansion was less likely in areas that were difficult to reach from the state’s power base. Koloniale Herrschaft in Deutsch-Ostafrika: Expeditionen, Militär und Verwaltung seit 1880 [Colonial Rule in German East-Africa: Expeditions, Military, and Administration since 1880]. 104 Thies 2007; Tilly 1990. Political Topographies of the African State: Territorial Authority and Institutional Choice. The Territorial Control Value variable remains statistically significant in the one- and two-year lag models. We would like to emphasize that colonial data should be used with caution. Station presence, a hot climate and the presence of road infrastructure are the only statistically significant predictors of cotton plantations. Ethnicity, Patronage and the African State: The Politics of Uncivil Nationalism. 31 Young 1994, 10. Hamburg: Hammerich & Lesser. Appendix Section 8 includes results for models that exclude all post-treatment variables. Klein-Arendt, Reinhard. B.J.Pol.S. Die Klimatischen Bedingungen Für Die Siedlung von Nordeuropäern in Den Tropen. American Economic Review 91 (5):1369–401. our outcome variable in Models 4–6 from Table 1. Pp. Ostafrika [A Country is Conquered Violently. 76 Pesek 2005. The cells were sized in order to generate a sufficient number of cases for meaningful statistical analysis, while considering potential imprecisions resulting from the geo-referencing and geo-coding of the colonial maps. Tilly, Charles. AP World student created German imperialism in Africa part 5. We also disaggregate the Battle Index into its constituent measures (the count of major battles, and the distance to the nearest battle) and re-estimate the models in Table 1. By the end of the 19th century, the map of Africa resembled a patchwork quilt of different colonial empires. In conclusion of his studies he advocated genocide of alleged “inferior races” stating that “whoever thinks thoroughly the notion of race, can not arrive at a different conclusion.” Fischer’s torment of the children was part of a wider history of abusing Africans for experiments, and echoed earlier actions by German anthropologists who stole skeletons and bodies from African graveyards and took them to Europe for research or sale. Next we include a number of geographic features that may have influenced spatio-temporal, patterns of state expansion: elevation, precipitation, the disease environment and temperature. The rise of German imperialism and colonialism coincided with the latter stages of the ” Scramble for Africa ” during which enterprising German individuals, rather than government entities, competed with other already established colonies and colonialist entrepreneurs. The maps display, among other things, the location of military and missionary stations as well as the placement of various plantations and roads. 2001. Territorial Expansion of German East Africa 1890–1909 721. The first agent of German imperialism was Carl Peters, who, with Count Joachim von Pfeil and Karl Juhlke, evaded the sultan of Zanzibar late in 1884 to land on the mainland and made a number of “contracts” in the Usambara area by which several chiefs were said … Whelpton, John. This article aims to fill this gap by studying patterns of state expansion in a colonial setting. As mentioned above, these conditions were at some point in time present in the majority of colonial state-building attempts in sub-Saharan Africa in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, and mirror the challenges other states have faced throughout history. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. The Nature of German Imperialism: Conservation and the Politics of Wildlife in Colonial East Africa. Shenton, Robert W. 1986. Despite lagging the variable, we consider the Battle Index to be partially endogenous, but include it in the model to establish descriptive patterns.81 We then explore the issue of causality in more detail in our robustness checks. Territorial Expansion of German East Africa 1890–1909 729, present a series of simple graphs, which display the predicted probability of a station in grid cell i as a function of our two main explanatory variables.91, Figure 2a illustrates the strong effect of violent resistance against the colonial state, as measured by our aggregate Battle Index. American Journal of Political Science 56 (2): 465–83. 4e Nature of German ImperialismTh to its altitude, Ngorongoro featured a mild climate, was free from tsetse, and remote enough from the next governmental outpost to … 1979. It is related to the Age of Imperialism and the expansion of the European empires in the 19th century. 23 Whelpton 2005. Bismarck’s successor in 1890, Leo von Caprivi, was willing to maintain the colonial burden of what already existed, but opposed new ventures. Also known as the Berlin West Africa Conference, the heads of states formalized their control, passed trade agreements between colonies and drafted the terms for any future colonization efforts by European … First we create a simple yearly count variable for all battles that took place within the grid cell. The basic idea underlying this movement was that colonial We also find that the integration of local ethnic groups into the German colonial military is associated with lower degrees of state penetration. In 2004, the German government recognized and apologized for the events, but ruled out financial compensation for the victims’ descendants. Such a strategy of state penetration serves the ‘hegemony imperative’ of primitive state building: it increases the share of the local population exposed to symbols of state authority and reduces the time needed to deploy troops to any location in the territory. Classic state-building theories, especially in the colonial context, emphasize the fundamental role of structural factors – such as extractive activities, prior indigenous political centralization and the local disease environment – in shaping observable patterns of state expansion and consolidation. 0 1. way2curious. WikiWikiup 1,413 views. By contrast, cotton is a much more flexible plant. The Maintenance of Law and Order in British Colonial Africa. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. Hence, we rely on a general indicator of soil suitability for agriculture from the Harmonized World Soil Database.86 We also added data on the yearly world market price of cotton and rubber.87 The extractive potential of each product is modeled via the soil quality measures, world market prices and their respective interaction terms. Modern Asian Studies 38 (1):85–144. 1994. 2b. 36 Herbst 2000. 21 Young 1994, 10. Most other control variables also fail to consistently attain statistical significance across the three specifications. We first lend support to our basic assumption that this phase of colonial state building was driven by the ‘hegemony imperative’.31 The subsequent sections elaborate on our two main hypotheses. 48 Kilingray 1986. The Art of Not Being Governed: An Anarchist History of Upland Southeast Asia. Global Agro- Ecological Zones Assessment for Agriculture (GAEZ 2008). Cambridge and New York: Cambridge University Press. 33 While Thies (2007) does consider the importance of internal rivals for increasing state capacity, his analysis. Moreover, we explore in more detail the German reaction to the Maji Maji uprising, a large-scale revolt against German, 100 Note that the accuracy of these reports is somewhat unclear. Note that many of our control variables are time invariant and only provide cross-sectional information. | ISBN: 9780905838953 | Kostenloser Versand … Interestingly, when we interact our measures of the territorial control value and violent resistance with the political centralization variable, we find that this weakens the effects of the five-year lag Battle Index variable in areas with ethnic groups featuring clear political hierarchies. Quarterly Journal of Economics 123 (1):139–76. Territorial Expansion of German East Africa 1890–1909 737. The German colonial empire constituted the overseas colonies, dependencies, and territories of the German Empire. perception, the revolt was not an Arab affair, but united a number of peoples in the territory against DOAG (Pesek 200). In contrast with private colonial actors (for example, traders or missionaries), state agents prioritized territorial control and order over extraction. The War Ledger. 1995. 91 We are setting all other variables to their respective means and medians. The two parameters y,ϴ represent the effects of violent resistance and the grid cell’s territorial control value for state expansion. While the targeted region may have, been brought under de jure state authority, an infrastructure of control and coercion has yet to replace the pre-existing social and political order. We repeat the estimations in Table 1 to see whether the degree of political organization of ethnic groups interfered with the effects of violent resistance and the territorial strategic value of a grid cell. Marner, Josef. German East-Africa before and after the World War: German and English Administration]. 1997. Violent resistance against the colonial state, measured via the Battle Index, is estimated to, have a positive association with station presence in Models 1–6, reaching statistical significance at the 0.1–5.0 per cent level. Read the introduction. The Paradoxical Nature of State Making: The Violent Creation of Order. Journal of African Economies 20 (2):263–311. We begin by estimating pooled logit models that leverage cross-sectional and temporal variation: ηit = αt + x 0 itβ + y�resistit�1 + θ�controlvalit�1; where ηit is the linear predictor linked to the binary and ordinal outcome indicator via the logit link function. Political bargains struck between local leaders and colonial administrators that shaped the expansion of the colonial state were subject to continuous updating by both sides. This theoretical account differs from existing work, for example, Tilly’s argument of war making as state making, due to its focus on the spatial dimension of state building at the sub-national level and a more explicit treatment of actual strategic decision making by state actors. "The Nature of German Imperialism is an impeccably researched work of interdisciplinary imperialhistory that shifts the geographic and temporal frames of Germany's overseas empire, while making a compelling case that its relatively short-lived imperial enterprise continues to shape East African land-use patterns and cultures of conservation today." To illustrate this we rely on a 1906 map that indicates the location of major cotton plantations in German East Africa. control value. 89 Herbst 2000. Gerring, John, Daniel Ziblatt, Johan Van Gorp, and Julián Arévalo. German Confederation In 1815, the Congress of Vienna created the German Confederation, which was a group of states that included Prussia. Henley, David. In particular, the establishment of de jure authority over a clearly defined territory without external challengers, corroborated by a lack of classic advantages of statehood provided to the domestic population and limited state capacity, resembles Jackson’s characterization of many post-colonial states as ‘quasi-states’ in the period following independence.105. Berlin: Ch. 69 Becker 2004; Koponen 1995. 2005. As the state is just one of many actors claiming authority over territory and people, its penetration of society depends on its ability to prevail over competing social organizations.19, While qualitative analyses highlight repression and resistance as key features of the colonial state-building process,20 spatial configurations of the state have not been systematically traced back to dynamic patterns of violent opposition. Bismarck disliked colonialism but reluctantly built an overseas empire when it was demanded by both elite and mass opinion. Furthermore, missionary stations were far from homogeneous – displaying considerable variation in terms of location preferences, interaction with the local population and co-operation with the colonial government – which does not. In 1891, Kaiser Wilhelm II of Germany made a decisive break with former “Realpolitik” of Bismarck and established “Weltpolitik” (“world policy”). The Colony German East-Africa. The Autonomous Power of the State: Its Origins, Mechanisms and Results. Way Maker - … 50 E.g., Levi 1989. New York: Crown Publishing Group. Table 1 shows the estimated coefficients and associated standard errors. Organski, Abramo F. K., and Jacek Kugler. We address this concern by estimating a series of fixed- effects models (see Appendix Section 10). 34 Boone 2003. Their annexation and control of South West Africa was eased by the intense... Major Theodor Leutwein, governor of the colony in 1894–1904, suppressed insurrections of the Khoekhoe (1894) and of the Hereros (1896). These imperatives were particularly dominant during the late nineteenth century, when European powers were in heightened competition with each other, trying to satiate their hunger for the expansion of their empires. We have scanned and geo-referenced these maps and extracted relevant information using GIS software (QGIS 2.0.1). 32 E.g. German Imperialism in Africa: From the Beginnings Until the Second World War | Stoecker, Helmuth, Zollner, B. The Herero and Nama resisted expropriation over the years, but were disorganized and the Germans defeated them with ease. World prices and interaction terms vary over time. In order to exert pressure on the reluctant Bismarck, and to fulfill his desire for profit and fame, Peters undertook a series of expeditions throughout East Africa, during which he signed obscure treaties with what he assumed to be local authorities, which transferred their land to the company ‘for all times’.57 In the beginning of 1885, Bismarck caved in to Peters (who was threatening to seek support from Leopold II of Belgium instead) and to an increasingly imperialistic public, and officially legitimized DOAG’s territorial possessions in Africa. American Sociological Review 73 (4):589–612. 22 Levi 1989. violence. We tried our best to limit this risk by relying on source material and variable operationalizations that leave little room for systematic manipulation or measurement error. The American Political Science Review 75 (4): 901–10. We have geo-referenced both maps and extracted the respective information. +1 301 710 0002, Order your paper today and save 30% with the discount code SUCCESS. 2006. Herbst, Jeffrey. We supplement these quantitative data with additional qualitative evidence from primary archival sources from the colony. During the Scramble for Africa, South-West Africa was claimed by Germany in August 1884. 1987. Southeast Asian Studies 39 (4):513–36. book contains a detailed account of all major battles fought by the German colonial forces between 1889 and 1910. 55 Banerjee and Iyer 2005; Le Meur 2006; Steinmetz 2008; Wilson 2011. threatened by resistance in any form, violence must be considered the most important type of new information in this context.56 Thus we hypothesize that state expansion was driven by responses to acts of violent resistance, rather than by specific structural features such as the internal organization of ethnic groups. 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